Women’s happiness, part one: Background

We have a zombie meme on our hands, folks. Betsy Stevenson and Justin Wolfers’ paper, The Paradox of Declining Female Happiness, has been debated online since October 2007, and now it is back and stumbling among us, thanks this Huffington Post piece by Marcus Buckingham, a “leading expert in personal strengths and bestselling author.” (Is that a bio that inspires confidence, or what?) Stevenson and Wolfers’ paper is so obviously relevant to this blog that I am starting to feel silly for not weighing in. I realized that at its core, this debate is inspired by a knotty econometric problem, and there’s nothing I enjoy quite like a knotty econometric problem. So, this afternoon, I read the paper, and a good chunk of the commentary inspired by it.

I have to say, I’ve been pleasantly surprised by the paper, if not all of the commentary. This post mostly summarizes a debate that took place online back in 2007, because I think it is worth understanding. I’ve mixed up some chronology because I assume you are more interested in content than timing. I will make later posts with some more original insights.

Just in case you’ve been living in a cave: Stevenson and Wolfers find that women’s happiness, in total and compared to men, has been declining steadily since the 1970s. Women, on average, used to be slightly happier than men, and now, on average, they are slightly less happy than men. (Slightly is a key word here, and we’ll return to that.) The researchers look at a few different studies, but most of their results are from the General Social Survey, based on a simple question about subjective well-being: “Taken all together, how would you say things are these days, would you say that you are very happy, pretty happy, or not too happy?”

This is not a fluffy trend piece, though it has inspired a lot of fluffy trend pieces. I only have an undergraduate degree in economics, but I’ve read my fair share of econometric papers, in and out of class – I’m reasonably familiar with all the methods used in the paper – and Stevenson and Wolfers’ work does not look like statistical sleight-of-hand to me. The trend is real, but whether it is big enough to worry about is a more complicated question. Here is part of a blog post by Wolfers:

Let’s think of lining up all the men in 1972, in order of their happiness. In 1972, the median woman ranked between the 53rd and 54th man, happier than a slight majority of men.  By 2006, the median woman is somewhat less happy, ranking between the 48th and 49th man.

That does not sound like much. But his next point is a bit more convincing:

We know from prior studies that unemployment lowers average levels of happiness.  Comparing estimates across studies, we can say that the relative decline in women’s happiness that we document is equivalent to the decline in average happiness that would occur in a state if its unemployment rate rose by 8-1/2 percentage points (from, say, today’s 4-1/2% to 13%).

Another concern with the mainstream interpretation of this paper, stated best in this Language Log post (though note that other arguments in this post were later revised) is that the gap between the genders seems even smaller when you compare it to variations in happiness overall. In effect, the distributions of men’s happiness and women’s happiness overlap substantially. In statistical terms, Wolfers notes:

The relative decline in the happiness of women is roughly one-eighth of one standard deviation of the distribution of happiness in the population.  If you think there is a lot of variation in happiness in the population, this is big; if not, it is small.

I think that 1/8 of one standard deviation is pretty small whatever the standard deviation, frankly. Certainly this sort of substantial overlap is not what the Huffington Post et al imply, and that’s important. Language Log has some great suggestions on how to better describe this sort of research:

When we’re looking at some property P of two groups X and Y, and a study shows that the distribution of P in X is different from the distribution of P in Y to an extent that is unlikely to be entirely the result of chance, we should avoid explaining this to the general public by saying “X’s have more P than Y’s”, or “X’s and Y’s differ in P”, or any other form of expression that uses generic plurals to describe a generic difference. This would lead us to avoid statements like “men are happier than women. [...] The reason? Most members of the general public don’t understand statistical-distribution talk, and instead tend to  interpret such statements as expressing general (and essential) properties of the groups involved.

It’s hard to abandon a sentence construction entirely. But there is no doubt that we can do a better job pointing out the subtleties of this sort of statistical analysis. I thought Steven Levitt summed up this debate the best, so I will let him have the last word:

Is this a monumental shift? Maybe not. But compared to how much other factors move happiness metrics, it is pretty large. [Stevenson and Wolfers] are quite honest about the magnitudes in the paper. To the extent their results are being exaggerated, it is by people like me who write blog posts about their paper without being explicit about the size of the effect. The authors can’t reasonably be blamed for that.

Now that we’ve covered some of what the paper actually says, I’m going to move on to what it does not say. Stay tuned for the next post in this series.

Demographers on family policy in Germany

Commenting on Doug Saunders’ article, discussed here earlier this week, Randy McDonald at Demography Matters compares Germany’s family policies to those in France. He concludes that if women are not given the opportunity to pursue both education/career and childbearing, large numbers of them will opt not to have children.

This growing body of research points towards a strong conclusion: if a developed country, or at least a country well advanced in the demographic transition, wants high cohort fertility, it has to support alternative family structures in such a way that women will have the autonomy necessary to combine participation in the work force with motherhood. Times have changed, and if any number of countries–Germany included–are to avoid very prolonged demographic winters they’re going to have to adapt.

I don’t know how much I care about ensuring population growth. I know that population decline has serious economic consequences, but I still came of age as an environmentalist. But I do think we should err towards policies that give women the greatest number of choices.

Demography Matters looks interesting throughout if you’re interested in fertility rates, demographic change, gender imbalances, etc.

(H/t to @DougSaunders.)

Give your daughter an edge: Name her Cameron

Female lawyers with names perceived as more masculine have a better shot at judgeships, according to Bentley Coffeey of Clemson University and Patrick McLaughlin of George Mason University. The study [gated], based on data from South Carolina, was written up in the Vancouver Sun in August, and has circulated widely since then.

In the American Law and Economics Review, Coffey and his co-authors report that changing a woman’s name from something feminine, such as Sue, to a gender-neutral name, such as Kelly, increases her odds of being appointed a judge by five per cent. A predominantly male name, such as Cameron, triples the odds of becoming a judge. And a swap from Sue to Bruce, a name used almost exclusively for men, increases the odds of judgeship by a factor of five.

According to Canwest, a later study controls for debt on graduation and experience, and still finds a significant effect. I can’t locate that paper, though – perhaps it’s still unpublished? Those controls are important, obviously, since given names vary between classes.

What is the mechanism here? Is there some immediate positive feeling we get from assuming that someone is male, in the brief period before our first impression is corrected? I can’t think of another explanation. This is interesting, because law is a field where women have made a lot of progress. We’re supposed to believe that women – who are well represented in the legal profession – don’t make it to the highest echelons in large numbers because they drop out to have children. But clearly, that is not all that is going on.

This is nothing new, of course. Commenter Victoria Pynchon at Legal Blog Watch points out that blind auditions increase the number of women in symphonies. This study [gated] of academic hiring found that men and women were both, on average, biased in favour of male applicants. Of course, we cannot assume that unconscious (or conscious!) bias comes into play in every situation. This paper on blind marking for UK A-level exams [gated] finds no effect.

If I can be forgiven for broad application of these fairly narrow results, I there is an argument here for gender blind hiring. Reviewing a resume without knowing the applicant’s gender might seem pointless since gender will (generally) be pretty obvious at the interview. But if that brief period of impartiality is what is giving these South Carolina judges an advantage, maybe it’s worth the hassle.

(H/t to Marginal Revolution and TaxProf Blog)

Job Voyager: Watch women’s voyage into the labour market

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This Flash visualization shows the proportion of the US working population in different occupation categories from 1850-2000. A screen capture cannot do this project justice, so you should click over to the Job Voyager itself. There you can hover over the Flash visualization to locate smaller occupations, and see the gender split for different time periods. You can switch from data for women to data for men and the full population. And you can also search for particular occupations, and look at that data alone.

The “manager/owner” slice has grown noticeably since 1970, reflecting, I assume, the rise of female entrepreneurship.

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Just the magnitude of gender segregations is striking when you see it graphically. For classic cases, look at secretaries and carpenters:

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We can see women making real progress in some professional careers – but when you look at the labour market as a whole, these high pay and high respect jobs are so tiny you can’t locate them without carefully hovering over the graph. Most women, most men for that matter, do not have access to these high reward occupations.

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But this graph isn’t the coolest part – Flare is a library for building Flash data visualizations. That means that you can build your own.

(H/t to Chris Blattman, lately my favourite blogger.)

In Germany, mothers struggle to return to the workforce

The Globe has been running some impressive coverage in its World section lately, branching out into cultural issues as well as hard news from abroad. One case in point is Doug Saunders’ piece about working women in Germany.

It turns out – and this is news to me – that Germany has lagged way behind the rest of Western Europe in integrating mothers into the workforce. Working with children is both financially difficult, with childcare expensive and rare, and socially unacceptable for married women.

The ideology itself was Ms. Hoffritz’s biggest barrier. When she talked about her frustrations, her friends and relatives openly denounced her as a rabenmutter – literally “raven mother,” a woman who abandons her children, like the mythic ravens throwing their chicks from the nest. It is a term routinely applied to working mothers in Germany.

Rather than focusing exclusively on policy, Saunders takes a broader view, tracing attitudes about working mothers back to the Cold War. It’s an interesting angle, though I’d like to hear more about women in what was East Germany, since at least pre-unification they would have been expected to work. Have attitudes changed on that side of the wall, or is this article mostly relevant in the West? I’m also interested in differences in workplace participation and childcare across classes – do they follow the same patterns as, say, Canada 30 years ago?

In any case, the article is thoughtful, and well worth reading.

The financial crisis and Scottish money

I’m visiting with my partner’s family in London and then Edinburgh this month, and last night at dinner I discovered an interesting little currency puzzle.

To understand it, you need some background. It won’t surprise you to hear that Scotland andEngland, both being part of the UK, use the same currency – pounds sterling. But if you haven’t visited Scotland, you might be surprised to see Scottish money. While paper money in England is issued by the Bank of England, in Scotland three large banks issue notes, complete with their logos: the Royal Bank of Scotland, the Bank of Scotland, and Clydesdale Bank.

By my entirely unscientifics survey of the dinner table, it is becoming increasingly difficult to use Scottish bank notes in England. When I last lived in Edinburgh and visited London, in 2006 and 2007, the odd ornery English shopkeeper would refuse to take Scottish money. But now the practice has apparently become so widespread that Scots are in the odd position of having to change their Scottish money into English money before travelling anywhere in England.

It turns out that Scottish bills are not legal tender. No one is compelled by law to accept them. Instead, they are promissory notes, literally a commitment by the issuing bank to pay a debt. Wikipedia gets into the specifics of this, which is confusing – the Bank of England’s notes are legal tender in England only, but not Scotland or Wales, though they are accepted anywhere.

So why is it so difficult to spend Scottish notes? I see three possible explanations:

  1. Irrational anti-Scottish prejudice.
  2. The belief that Scottish bank notes are easier to counterfeit than those issued by the Bank of England. (This is something usually offered as explanation by aforementioned ornery English shopkeepers, but it may or may not be a variation on #1.)
  3. Lack of confidence in the Scottish banks issuing promissory notes.

Any of these are plausible, but the one most likely to have changed since I last lived here is #3 – Scottish banks have been hit hard by the financial crisis. Really, what we may have here is two currencies pegged together but not moving together. At least one hotel in Hong Kong has come to the same conclusion, offering a different exchange rate for Scottish and English notes. Since that practice is preposterous in the UK – Scottish bank notes deposited into a Scottish bank could be withdrawn as English notes at any bank machine in England – the only option is to refuse to accept them.

What I cannot determine, this fine drizzly morning, is what would have happened to all those Scottish notes issued by RBS if that bank had not been bailed out. Commenters?

Other blogs: Nancy Folbre at Economix

Feminist economists are continuing to make inroads in the blogosphere. Earlier this near, Nancy Folbre, an econ prof from UMass Amherst, joined the blogging team at the New York Times’ Economix. (I’ve written about Folbre before, linking to her own blog, Care Talk.) She’s posted a steady stream of intelligent content, and anyone reading this blog should definitely be reading her as well.

Here’s a taste, from a recent post about the Child and Youth Well-Being Index, and the impact of the recession on children:

During this recession, many other problems, including huge bank bailouts, are competing for public attention and taxpayers’ money. Sometimes I wonder how closely the Child Well-Being Index would mirror an Adult Wrong-Doing Index. If I were going to construct such a new index, financial malfeasance would rank high among the measurement domains. But in the composite, apathy among those who could do more to help poor children would receive at least an equal weight.

More on negotiation, the wage gap, and self-help nonsense

During my long hiatus, I received an email about negotiation and the wage gap (emphasis mine):

I attended a session last week in which the basic premise was, “A woman earns 77 cents for every dollar a man makes and here’s how to fix that”.  The presenter then went on to discuss negotiating a young woman’s first salary out of college since that forms the basis for all subsequent salaries.  OK, that makes sense in context. However, when I asked what other factors contributed to the disparity, the presenter basically said that there weren’t any except women not valuing themselves enough to negotiate good salaries.

That didn’t make sense to me, so I did a bit of Googling and kept seeing the same statement without a lot of critical analysis.  Your blog was one of the few that seemed to take it on and one post I noticed said you would have more to say.  However, I didn’t spot anything after that.  Do you know of any articles, blog posts, whatever that addresses the issue of what other causes there may be for the 77/100 problem?

The facilitator of this workshop probably meant well, but he or she was teaching something false and quite possibly harmful. As regular readers know well, the wage gap is not entirely due to  negotiation – it’s also the result of straightforward discrimination, occupational differences between genders, the housework and childcare that working women are expected to take on, the cumulative effect of time off for maternity leave and childrearing, and much more. It is true that women are less likely to negotiate a higher starting salary, but women are also more likely to be penalized for negotiating.

A lot of people like to argue that women can overcome sexism through personal action, like developing better negotiation skills. This can be an empowering message, but it’s not really true – becoming more assertive in isolation from the rest of the culture will only get you so far. Addressing the wage gap, if that’s something we want to do, requires big policy changes and new cultural norms.

Too often, messages of personal empowerment become about blame. (Barbara Ehrenreich really skewers the self help movement on this point in Bait and Switch.) If all you need is a positive attitude, then you don’t have child care/a promotion/help around the house because you don’t want it badly enough. Want harder! Stop talking about social change!

Abortion and the recession

Estimates vary, but it  looks like the abortion rate has ticked up with the recession. Would it be too crass to call abortion a countercyclical asset? Of course, it’s hard to be  more offensive than the anti-choice movement, as quoted at Double X:

“Americans, coming off years of hedonism and credit card spending orgies, are now increasingly aborting their babies who were unfortunate enough to be conceived during this economic recession,” Christian radio show host Ingrid Schlueter writes on her blog. “Gone is anything remotely related to the spirit of America past where difficulties were not solved by taking the coward’s or murderer’s way out, but by fulfilling one’s duty and taking responsibility for loved ones, no matter how hard the challenge.”

And who is Schlueter beating up on? Well, here’s a few heart-wrenching examples:

A pregnant woman in Oakland, Calif., already struggling to support three children and an unemployed boyfriend, couldn’t afford bus fare to the abortion clinic. “I just walked here for an hour,” she tells the clinic’s doctor. “I’m sure of my decision.” The same article quotes Stephanie Poggi, executive director of the National Network of Abortion Funds, who says her clients are telling her: “‘I’ve already put off paying my rent, my electric bill. I’m cutting back on my food.’ They’ve run through all the options.”

Let me get this straight. It’s selfish and unpatriotic to have more children than you can support yourself, but both contraception and abortion are murder? Radical social conservatives present so few options for their followers; I really wonder how they manage to attract any supporters outside the top tax bracket.

The Bergmann Effect

The Bergmann Effect is a phrase used frequently by feminist economists, but as far as I can tell  it isn’t defined online, so I’ve been asked about it a few times. Here, at long last, is the sketch of a definition.

The Bergmann Effect is named after Barbara R. Bergmann, Professor Emeritus at the American University and the University of Maryland, and a pioneer of feminist economics. She didn’t coin the term herself, of course, but when I emailed her she was kind enough to sift back through mailing list discussions and come up with a definition: 

The harm done to gender equality in the work-place, and gender equality more broadly, by workplace policies that allow parents time off or allow them flexibility, when such opportunities are utilized by women more than men.

If you’re not used to thinking about incentives, this sounds crazy. How could so-called “family-friendly” workplace practices, which allow women to balance work with childcare, possibly hurt? Bergmann explains in a paper published by Politics & Society in 2008, called Long Leaves, Child Well-Being, and Gender Equality:

Female jobholders would increase their time
at home to a much greater extent than would male jobholders, increasing the
share women do of child care, cleaning, cooking, and laundry. In the workplace,
employers would become more reluctant to place women in nonroutine jobs,
where substitution of one worker for another is difficult.

Of the measures for resolving work–family conflict proposed by Janet Gornick and Marcia Meyers, government programs that provide or pay for nonparental child care would advance gender equality. However, paid parental leaves of six months for both parents, and the encouragement of part-time work, would retard it, and possibly reverse some of the advances toward gender equality that have been made in the home and the workplace. Female jobholders would increase their time at home to a much greater extent than would male jobholders, increasing the share women do of child care, cleaning, cooking, and laundry. In the workplace, employers would become more reluctant to place women in nonroutine jobs, where substitution of one worker for another is difficult.

So long as women are much more likely to take advantage of family-friendly workplace policies, and so long as those cost firms money, then those policies make it rational for firms to discriminate against women in hiring and promotion. 

I’m not entirely on board with what Bergmann sees as the solution to this dilemma – government-funded childcare, paired with the end of paid parental leave. To be clear, I’d love universal childcare – I  hope it exists by the time I need it. But I’m not sure I want to live in a world as stark as Bergmann and many of her colleagues imagine, where we stop looking for ways to support women with the perfectly reasonable desire to stay home for a few years with their kids. 

That said, naming the Bergmann Effect trains us to look for a particular unintended consequence that might come with a lot of the policies that the women’s movement advocates for. It lets us think about whether these policies are worth their downside, and we can also look at ways to mitigate unintended consequences. 

This brings me to last week. Kate, a guest poster over at Feministe, is furious, surprised and terrified (?) to see an ABC News segment asking whether the Pregnancy Discrimination Act could hurt women. Here’s the contrarian argument presented by Carrie Lukas, interviewed in the piece: 

“I understand the desire for people to have the government step in and try to protect women, but there’s real costs to government intervention.” According to Carrie, those costs are that because there’s now a law, employers might worry about being sued if they break it, and therefore be hesitant to hire women.

Lukas isn’t my ideal spokesperson, as VP of the Independent Women’s Forum, a fundamentalist free-market think tank prone to bizarre press releases like Obama Transnationalist Agenda Undermines US Sovereignty.

But seriously, Kate, you don’t have to be a “self-loathing pregnant lady”, “anti-woman”, or “anti-feminist” to ask this question. It wouldn’t be easy to prove or prevent this sort of systematic discrimination. I’d like to think we’ll always ask the question, and in many cases decide that it’s worth the trade off. Let’s all take a deep breath.

Role models and the STEM gender gap

According to the abstract of this new NBER working paper, women are 37 per cent less likely than men to get their BA in science, technology, engineering or math (STEM). (I assume this is American data.)  Only 25 per cent of jobs in STEM are held by women, but for now we’re focusing on that first statistic, which partly causes the second.

In any case, the paper looks at the impact of professor gender on female students’ performance, future course choices and chance of graduating with a STEM degree. They find that the gender gap in marks and majors disappears amongst female students with strong math skills when their intro courses are taught by other women.

Unless better STEM students are more likely to choose female professors – and I doubt it – that suggests that we could reduce the gender gap by making sure women teach more intro courses. (Of course, that would be tough on the few female profs in STEM departments, since almost no one prefers to teach the big intro courses.) 

I’m a little skeptical of the “strong math skills” restriction – the authors are highlighting their strongest result, and presumably they couldn’t account for all of the gender gap amongst average students. We shouldn’t be discounting those women, any more  than we do men with average math skills, since as we’ve discussed at length before, the only discernible gender differences in math ability are at the upper tail of the distribution. Not to mention the fact that many STEM majors and careers (medicine, anyone?) don’t require that much math. 

Hat tip to Marginal Revolution.

A late apology

This year I have been focusing on school and the G8 Research Group, so this site has been sorely neglected. If you’re new, have a look through the archives – lots of readers still seem to be sifting through them. Otherwise, please bookmark or subscribe to my RSS and check back in the spring, when I will have time to revive Economic Woman. Thanks for your patience!

Pluralism in the classroom

Readers responding to Economic Woman often describe their first experience with economics – an introductory course in university, generally – with a mixture of disdain and repressed trauma. If only their professor had taught some of this stuff, they suggest,they might have stuck around in the discipline long enough to learn something.

I’ve always been struck at the difference in teaching methods between economics and my other major, international relations. The political science courses associate with international relations present several perspectives on each topic, citing particular theorists throughout, while introductory econ courses cover a subset of our knowledge as a supposedly coherent whole, usually with no references at all. There’s a particular sort of student, who has taken first year economics and accepted all of it as gospel, but hasn’t gone on to later courses, where everything gets more complicated. He or she spends a lot of time proselytizing for the internalizing of externalities, I find.

The realist/liberal/constructivist division in political science courses irritates me sometimes, because it avoids the work figuring out which lens is most useful or correct. But the disconnect between scholarly discourse in economics – where almost everything is up for debate, and many of the models taught in first year are decades out of date – and the single model built in first year courses is just as unrealistic.

All this is a very long lead-up for a link to a new journal that seeks to change all this: the International Journal of Pluralism and Economics Education. It’s probably too far outside the mainstream to affect my own dusty department, but I’m glad someone is thinking and writing about this stuff. The description quotes a petition by French university students:

Of all the approaches to economic questions that exist, generally only one is presented to us. This approach is supposed to explain everything by means of a purely axiomatic process, as if this were the economic truth. We do not accept this dogmatism. We want a pluralism of approaches, adapted to the complexity of the objects and to the uncertainty surrounding most of the big questions in economics.

Amen.

Off topic: Tomorrow’s reporters

Thanks everyone, for bearing with me through exams. I’m finished now, so I will be posting more consistently. I will also be assuming one of my other roles, as the new Director of Training and Recruitment for Canada’s top student paper.

So here is my question for you, dear readers. If you could impart two or three skills, ethical guidelines or ways of thinking to the next generation of Canadian journalists, what would they be? Better grammar? A commitment to fact checking? Fantastic interviewing technique? Better basic math?

The Predator State and its prey

Susan Feiner discusses James Galbraith’s The Predator State over at Talking Point Memo Cafe’s Book Club. She likes it. The piece quickly segues to a discussion of women’s role in the workplace and at home.

Today’s vision of full-employment rightly includes women. But wait. If women are fully employed what’s going to happen to children too young for school? How many kids catch the school bus at 8:15 and have parents that leave for work at 7:30? The standard workday ends at 5:00 but the school day ends at 3:00. Then there’s the care of the elderly and the infirm. And please, don’t forget to wash the dishes. If the economy is really going to serve the public interest we have to deal with these realities.

And hints at the Bergmann effect:

Today’s liberals are likely to suggest flextime and long paid leaves to improve women’s economic condition. Nonsense. The breadwinner/dependent ideal relies on the same tired logic that seeks energy efficiency through deregulation and economic development through free trade.

This is only vaguely related, but it strikes me that those who advocate for a return to full employment policy spend too much time arguing about morality and compassion when they should be arguing that fiscal policy actually works. Don’t most Keynesian sceptics object to fiscal policy on practical grounds? An ethical argument is of no relevance if you haven’t convinced your opponents that your policy will work. In any case, as in so many areas, I declare myself firmly on the fence. Or lying underneath it. Or something.